The future of the Iraqi economy in the digital age

Author: Dr. The appearance of Mohammed Saleh
08/06/2017 0:00
The World Economic Forum held at the Dead Sea conference during May 2017 under the theme of empowering generations towards the future and focused discussions on the subject , in essence , run youth forces in the digital age or the current fourth technological revolution. 
Faced with the phenomenon of the inability of large companies from the broad operation of the labor force young to bring high – density technology as well as the inability of governments to provide employment opportunities (especially from the young nations the proportion of young people in which about 6 percent of the total labor force) due to walk down the principle of effective small e – government, so the available to run opportunities are reaching the so – called ecosystem eCO system: any rapid bonding for all energies talented for young people and capacity leadership supported Balapetkart that deal with the digital age to form kegs productive work and beneficiaries at the same time , through behavioral phenomena administrative dynamics (Yatta Lq by radical change idiomatically creative disruption) , a combination of managerial leadership and the ability to innovate and talent to generate new products and new markets , all of which form the basis of the ecosystem – strong small and medium – sized enterprises interconnected
digitally.
Valtrabottat between inputs for small and medium enterprises and outputs that deal IT capabilities mutual all come (as an interactive) to maximize the efficiency of production and the introduction of new products generating new markets as Zkr.ama the role of the state will remain equipped with the foundation of infrastructure (physical and legal) and to facilitate business and simplification of procedures , with an emphasis on the principle of partnership and interaction between the state and the market. 
Also it raised important economic theory in the concept of the digital market balance issues, for example , taking the Marshall Law in the supply and demand (for price fixing equilibrium) a new concept in the digital market balance.
Digital equilibrium is representing equivalent Prices are demand with supply. 
(Where the display here contain all the problems , including infrastructure , government bureaucracy and other problems and get off to them alone minimum optimization by simplifying procedures and transparency of the supervisory regulations). 
Thus, the summary of the ideas that came out of the ecosystem Anfa is the main director of the operating system and the face of unemployment through the new product that is easy to achieve the growth of these digital tools intensity 
and capabilities of information technology , both in the establishment of business incubators Uchiad system for residential units , low – lying cost or the use of solar energy or new technologies in agriculture or the use of artificial intelligence, ie , through the establishment of small units, medium and interconnected production operates a unified digital base in the exchange of information to form Bahaalnzam ecological optimization , which will be a powerful force essential for the operation of the power Alp Young confidentiality. 
Noticed that Iraq in the current circumstances is in dire need for an effective step to assemble small and medium – sized enterprises leading to the formation of the nucleus of a system of ecological internal financing international or both from international funding agencies or has a project central bank lending or other to achieve the digital age and prerogatives in the operation of the energies working young generation new products in accordance with the soft base information for each product grouping, for example , are not limited to notice that the Arab world currently spends annually on the translation of more than $ 1.2 billion , a chance to establish units translation tools modern digital activity component of the ecosystem and examples of p Li so
many.
Thus we see the importance of walking a new digital Iraq era and Bdaamtin pillars: The
first is : to start setting up a system of corporate youth leader (SME, s) in various agriculture and construction fields and branches of digital innovations production exclusively in coordination between the relevant ministries of higher education, youth, sports, labor and social affairs and planning, as well as Bank international and benefit from the vast experience in this regard.
The other: the creation of the necessary means to encourage the establishment of small leading companies for innovative products and create new national markets as: the leading young companies implicated in one synthesis system works according to a database and data efficient, order to realize the economy of a digital real , which means the use of Internet networks to facilitate business exchange and contractual society, with emphasis on the principle of availability of digital justice (ie , making use of the internet operations available to all without discrimination or restricted to specific community groups).

http://www.alsabaah.iq/ArticleShow.aspx?ID=142016

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Washington Institute: The Iraqi counterterrorism apparatus is the best achievement America has achieved in the Middle East

 

 

 

Security     Access_time 2017/08/05 22:53

Baghdad today – follow-up

An article written by Michael Knights and Alexander Milo on behalf of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy said that Washington’s training of the anti-terrorism apparatus has made it the region’s best for taking out such a force that allowed the liberation and expulsion of Iraq’s strongholds in spite of the fiercest battles America has done in the Middle East.

Article text:

When the last of the so-called “Islamic State” was removed in western Mosul in the second week of July 2017, it was appropriate that the 36th Commandos’ Books should direct the latest strikes. The 36th Battalion was the first unit of Iraqi Special Forces established after the fall of Saddam Hussein.Today it is the biggest actor in the “counterterrorism apparatus” – a force established by the United States with fewer than 8,000 elite troops, the most militarily and politically reliable force at the disposal of the Iraqi government.

The Iraqi Army and the Federal Police have regained some public confidence since their collapse in June 2014 when Mosul and about 20 other cities fell into the hands of the Islamic State, but only two forces in Iraq retained the confidence of the Iraqi people throughout the war. The first force is the “anti-terrorist apparatus” known in Iraq as the “Golden Band”, a model of multi-ethnic and multi-ethnic nationalism. The other force is the Popular Mobilization Forces, a volunteer unit established by a religious edict and government orders in June 2014, under the leadership of Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis.

The development of these two forces will probably be the future of Iraq itself. Baghdad will need effective counterterrorism forces backed by the more advanced intelligence capabilities available to the US-led coalition if it wants to pursue the “Islamic state” in deserts, border areas, mountains, forest groves and urban caches in Iraq. Equally important, the Iraqi government needs loyal forces under the full command and control of the Iraqi prime minister, especially as the leaders of the Popular Popular Forces, such as Engineer Hadi al-Amiri (head of the largest faction in the Popular Forces), continue to operate outside the control of the prime minister.

Following the battle of Mosul, the forces of the “anti-terrorist apparatus” became exhausted. Being the best is a great loss. The US government estimates that the “counterterrorism apparatus” suffered “40 percent of casualties in the battle” in Mosul. In this article, we will consider the lessons learned from the first decade of the existence of the “machine” and apply it to the way in which the US-led coalition should support its reconstruction.

Why did the “anti-terrorism”

In June 2014, one-third of the “Iraqi Army” and the “Federal Police” collapsed, but the “Counter-Terrorism Bureau” continued and led the counterattack in Tikrit, Beiji, Ramadi and Mosul eventually.The US-trained “apparatus” continued to fight through its full mastery of the basic concept of force as well as its recruitment, command and training. The question that arises here is, what factors have made the “apparatus” so powerful while the other Iraqi security forces have proved to be very fragile?

Volume is a critical factor. The Counter-Terrorism Bureau (CTB) has remained small and has never been more than 12,500. In contrast, the Iraqi Army collected a combat force of 151,250 soldiers, and the Federal Police maintained a force of 82,500 soldiers during the fall of Mosul. The small size of the Counterterrorism Agency suggests that the selection and training criteria may be strict and similar to those used to recruit US special operations forces. If we take one of the May 2008 training programs as an example, we see that only 401 candidates (18 per cent) have graduated as soldiers in the Counterterrorism Agency out of 2,200 candidates. The small size of the “machine” allows for more salaries, living conditions and equipment than those received by other Iraqi forces. With a salary roughly equal to that of an ordinary Iraqi Army soldier, and almost identical to that obtained by a soldier in the US Special Forces, the Counterterrorism Corps developed the spirit of elite solidarity and retained a skilled workforce, Best Army Officers in Iraq.

Unsurprisingly, the “apparatus” showed a higher level of discipline than other Iraqi units, and suffered far less corruption and infiltration of the militias to the extent that the United States was satisfied with the participation of some of its most sensitive intelligence and military equipment since the establishment of the “counterterrorism” This. The agency has succeeded in focusing on professionalism, sectarianism and allegiance to Iraq, which remains unmatched within the Iraqi security forces. It was the only “counterterrorism agency” among Iraqi forces that developed the beginnings of a strong cadre of sergeants.

On the battlefield, the Counter – It developed intelligence, used internal judges to issue warrants in a timely manner, conducted several arrests of insurgent cells every night throughout Iraq, operated its own helicopter forces, and quickly exploited and merged intelligence to launch new attacks. By the time of the US withdrawal in 2011, the Counter-Terrorism Bureau had developed into a precision counterterrorism machine and enhanced its reputation as one of the best special operations forces in the Middle East.

Options for reconstruction

The “anti-terrorist apparatus” has been very different three years after the fall of Mosul. His forces fought several conventional battles as a light infantry force from the elite in the US-supplied Humvee.In the second half of 2014, it was the “counterterrorism apparatus” that held up the Baiji refinery, which was trapped behind the lines of the “Islamic State”, until the blockade was eased by a convoy led by the “anti-terrorist apparatus.” In 2015, the Agency carried out urban evictions in Tikrit and Ramadi, followed by Fallujah and Mosul the following year. Old officers and commandos were killed year after year, followed by the loss of 40 per cent of the frontline forces of the apparatus in Mosul. For example, at the beginning of the battle in Mosul, the soldiers of the regional commandos’ battalion numbered 350 and reduced to 150 in just 90 days of fighting.

According to the authors of this article of the units of the device, if this type of accumulated attrition is reflected in all its combat units, the total strength of the device would have decreased to about 7,600 soldiers during the writing of this article (2,700 in combat battalions, 1,900 in elements Headquarters, 2,400 units in the reconnaissance battalion and logistics, and another 600). According to our unit, the Anti-Terrorist Corps should have about 13,920 troops, which means that the machine is currently equipped with 54 per cent of the troops, but only 34 per cent of the troops in the combat battalions.

The counter-terrorism component and its specialized capabilities will have to be rebuilt to a large extent. There are two basic models for regenerating power. The first is to reduce the “counter-terrorism apparatus” to a system that focuses narrowly on traditional counter-terrorism. Gradually, the current tasks of the Light Infantry can be phased out as soon as the Islamic state is defeated from the remaining Iraqi territory it controls in cities such as Tal Afar, Hawija and Qaim. Under this model, the apparatus can “return” to the format it had before 2014. On July 14, Taleb Shagati Kanani, the former chief of staff of the Air Defense Forces under Saddam Hussein, This model is in line with existing law.The strength of the 18 Commando battalions, the four reconnaissance brigades, and several headquarters and logistics units will be strengthened and the intelligence of the body will be integrated.

The alternative model provides a more expansive view of what the “anti-terrorist apparatus” can become. Under this model, the Golden Band will be expanded and given more missions. In addition to its primary counterterrorism tasks, the Counter-Terrorism Bureau can continue to use infantry forces capable of carrying out conventional attacks on fortified positions controlled by the Islamic State or other hostile forces. This model recalls the tradition of commandos under which special forces are light infantry who perform special tasks during traditional military conflicts. This was the Iraqi method of using special forces in the Iran-Iraq war and invading Kuwait.

The government of Nouri al-Maliki has adopted this type of model since 2012 onwards, where Maliki sought to expand the “machine” to become a multi-force, the status of the “Republican Guard Special” [Imperial], including more than 30,000 soldiers with armored combat vehicles capable of Fight any local opponents, be they terrorists, militias or even military units. The appeal of this option lies in the fact that the most powerful force in the country will operate directly under the control of the prime minister.

At that time, the “counter-terrorism apparatus” was not enshrined in the law, nor was it accountable to the Council of Ministers or Parliament, nor to a legally constituted ministry. The risk is clear that such a force could be used for the undemocratic takeover of power by a current prime minister or the “counter-terrorism apparatus” itself. Maliki’s misuse of the apparatus at times to harass political opponents has deepened these fears, but the austerity imposed by falling oil prices has undermined expansion plans.

The successes in the battlefield and the “conventional” counterterrorism apparatus over the past three years will likely lead to a reconsideration, within the Iraqi government and within the US-led coalition, of expanding the “machine” into a light infantry force of multi-variance elite . Public confidence in the Iraqi Army, the Federal Police and the Popular Popular Forces will remain low when it comes to the complex tasks of fighting terrorism and reaching out to the Sunni population in some of Iraq’s harshest and most divided regions. Military tasks will be directed to “men who are able to carry out”, especially as the “anti-terrorist apparatus” is now a government department established legally at the ministry level (as of 13 August 2016). In fact, the US Department of Defense’s 2018 budget request states that the Counterterrorism Organization “build its non-sectarian power to 20,000 in the next three fiscal years.” This indicates that the system will strengthen its strength and then expand by 43 per cent over three years.

International Assistance to the “Counter-Terrorism Authority”

Resources will now be directed to the “Counter-Terrorism Authority”. As military expert David Witty, author of the upcoming Brookings Institution study on counterterrorism, noted, between 2008 and 2010, the CIA received about $ 225 million annually from the Iraqi government (a collection of discretionary spending from the Prime Minister’s Office and the Defense Ministry). In addition to this, about $ 55 million in US budget assistance is added each year. The final sum of $ 280 million was lower than the budget requests of the “machine”, which averaged $ 412 million over the same three-year period. We can conclude from the ongoing operational capability of the Counterterrorism Agency that in-kind support from the US intelligence services and the Special Operations Command has filled a large portion of the budget’s budget until the United States withdraws in 2011 and a small portion thereafter.

In 2017, the Iraqi budget included the first expenditure item for the Counter-Terrorism Bureau, totaling $ 683 million. If this Iraqi allocation is repeated in 2018, plus the $ 193 million required from US aid to the agency, the total will be an unprecedented $ 876 million, more than three times the largest budget received by the Counterterrorism Agency before 2014. What is the Can also be done to ensure that the resources are invested wisely and the survival of the “counter-terrorism” effective and good force? In particular, what can the US-led coalition do to ensure the best outcome?

The first thing that the Alliance can do is to continue to work together. The Joint Task Force – the “inherent solution process” – is more effective and flexible as a broad and multinational coalition than at any time the US-Iraq security partnership. First, the multinational forces bring real capacity and burden-sharing to the task of supporting the “anti-terrorist apparatus”. Australian, New Zealand, French, Belgian and Spanish Special Forces have contributed to the training of this body at its Baghdad training center and at the Taji training base adjacent to Baghdad. Second, the diversity of global powers involved, including most of the international actors on which Iran depends on foreign investment, protects the partnership from the attack by Iranian-backed militias operating within the Popular Mobilization Forces.

The second priority of the US-led coalition is to maintain a strong presence at various levels of the “anti-terrorist apparatus”. The close coordination and daily communication of American advisors allowed professional ethics to be instilled in the CIA until 2010, and there was a strong correlation between the agency’s low capacity to combat terrorism and the withdrawal of US advisers. The main levels at which such attendance should be included include:

Ministry level. As a new organization at the ministry level, it should now undertake all the functions that the Ministry of Defense has done on its behalf, such as personnel, medical support, infrastructure, overhead and maintenance of vehicles and spare parts. International capacity-building at the ministry level will have successive positive effects across the lower levels of the “counterterrorism agency”, the best way to reduce the risk of politicizing the organization’s leadership and human rights abuses through the establishment of relationships and early warning mechanisms. International advisers can help the agency modernize its national counterterrorism strategy and develop an Iraqi counterinsurgency doctrine.

The capabilities of the Counter-Terrorism Bureau have been upgraded to a high level with only a few hundred American advisers in safe locations such as the Al-Jahah training academy in the fourth district in Baghdad. These consultants have maintained standards by maintaining high “failure” rates in their selection processes. In the future, the SAI will train a very large number of reservists, with fewer veterans of the Iraqi “apparatus” leading the process, posing a threat to the standards that could be reduced.

Integration of intelligence. The CIA will now need to reorient its headquarters to integrate intelligence in Baghdad away from intelligence on the battlefield and counter-terrorism, and will need to rebuild its simple network of regional focal points and networks of supporting intelligence programs and judicial divisions (to issue arrest warrants). The Alliance must maintain direct contact with the headquarters of the Agency at various levels.

Key “empowerment elements”. Intelligence and air transport will be necessary to achieve the “wide-ranging” security quality of the “counterterrorism agency” when pursued by the “Islamic state” in remote areas and secret urban hideouts. Because of the critical role of helicopter attacks in the next phase of the war, the alliance must redefine the previously close ties between the US Air Force’s aviation division and the US military.

Can the “Counterterrorism Agency” reform the “Iraqi Army”?

The last priority of international supporters should be to strengthen close ties between the Counter-Terrorism Bureau and its sister agencies in the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of the Interior and the Iraqi intelligence community. Irrespective of the logical benefits of coordination, the Alliance should view and exchange staff and staff as a means by which the “Counterterrorism Agency” can promote “interaction and exchange” with other Iraqi institutions. In the past, the Counter-Terrorism Bureau was keen to retain its staff and staff and was not inclined to return them to the Ministry of Defense (where they often grew up). As a result, other agencies considered the “organ” a threat.

Now the opposite is true quickly, at least at the level of senior leaders. In searching for the best talent to reverse Iraq’s military disasters, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi relies heavily on the “anti-terrorist apparatus” to take the lead. In January 2015, the Deputy Commander of the Executive Force was appointed by General Abdulwahab Al-Saadi to lead the northern campaign to liberate Tikrit, Beiji and then Mosul. In May 2015, Major General Karim al-Tamimi was appointed to head the security department in charge of the government center in the International Zone in Baghdad. In July 2016, following the devastating blast on the high-end Karrada district of Baghdad, Abadi appointed Major General Jalil Abdul-Jabbar al-Rubaie, then director of intelligence at the Counter-Terrorism Bureau, as head of the Baghdad Operations Command, which controls nearly Of 60 per cent of the total workforce of the Iraqi security forces. Major General Irfan Al-Hayali, the head of the Training and Development Department of the long-standing Jihadi, was recently appointed defense minister in January 2017.

Instead of supporting the expansion of the “anti-terrorist apparatus” that could make Iraqi special forces less “distinctive,” the US-led coalition must help the “machine” to serve as an incubator for military talent. This may mean rotation of the counter-terrorism staff to work in other ministries, the Iraqi Army and the Federal Police. This rotation can help the Iraqi Army strengthen its commando battalions and special units, and acquire skills in counterinsurgency and terrorism.

The exchange of elements could reduce militia control of the powerful Interior Ministry, now led by the Iranian-backed Badr Organization and its Emergency Response Team, which has recently been linked to gross human rights violations. The “machine” can accommodate up to a “grass-roots mobilization” force and rotate its officers through “popular mobilization forces”, which may reduce the risk of future tensions between these forces. The counterterrorism agency needs to be better – not bigger – than its sister agencies, and to be a model of professionalism and loyalty to the Iraqi constitution.

US efforts to develop Iraq’s security forces are a major and costly failure, but at least one element has been a resounding success: the anti-terrorist apparatus. Of all the institutions established by the United States in Iraq, the “counterterrorism agency” was the best prepared and effective and could remain so.The IAEA needs sustained US support if the United States wants it to remain a permanent landmark and live up to its hopes and goodwill for Iraq.

Michael Knights is a fellow of Lever at the Washington Institute. He has worked in every Iraqi province and in most of the 100 areas, including those spent by the Iraqi Security Forces and the Peshmerga, most recently with the Joint Task Force – Operation Endogenous Solution. Alex Milo is the principal security analyst at Horizon Clint Axes, an advisory services firm working with leading energy companies in the world.

Baghdad today publishes the text unchanged or revised by the Washington Institute

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MacGorek: Kurdistan referendum will reflect negatively on the fight against terrorism

Mohammed al-Ghazi

Tension appeared clear between Washington and Erbil, where the presidency of the Kurdistan region denied a telephone call between the President of the region Massoud Barzani and US Secretary of State Rex Talerson after the Kurdish media was close to Barzani in what the US special envoy to the International Coalition against Brett McGuck, Iraq’s Kurdistan is not a good idea, and will have catastrophic consequences with the near restoration of Tal Afar and Hawija.

The presidency of the Kurdistan region denied on Saturday that the President of the region Massoud Barzani had received any telephone contact from US Secretary of State Rex Tlrsson in what was considered US special envoy to the international coalition against the organization urged Brit Mkgork that the referendum on the independence of the Kurdistan region of Iraq is not a good idea, With the imminent restoration of Tal Afar and Hawija, while the Movement for Change (Kuran) considered that the personal and partisan agendas behind the referendum to cover up the failed files involving the Kurdistan Democratic Party and its leader.

After the US consulate in Arbil that Talerson had a telephone call with Barzani and discussed a number of things including the referendum of Kurdistan, said a spokesman for the presidency of the Kurdistan region Omid Sabah in a statement seen by “Elaf” It is not true to the news that indicated a telephone call between Barzani and Talerson About two days ago.

“There was no telephone contact,” he said. “The news is baseless.”

Ready for dialogue with Baghdad

The US consulate in Erbil dropped the news from its official Facebook page, and neither the Consul nor the US Embassy could comment on it.

The spokesman for the presidency of the Kurdistan region, Omid Sabah, said that Baghdad is ready for dialogue both before and after the independence referendum, stressing the lack of conditions in the upcoming negotiations.

The Kurdistan region has formed a number of delegations to officially visit the capitals of the neighborhood with the file of independence, including Baghdad, which in turn reserves the right to hold the referendum.

The referendum is due to take place on January 25.

Omid Sabah said that the Kurdistan region will not close the doors of dialogue and has no conditions in terms of negotiations with Baghdad on the referendum.

“Dialogue is the best way to move the Kurds peacefully.”

Sabah pointed out that the Iraqi government has shown its readiness for dialogue on the referendum, whether before or after it.

Iraqi Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi said at a previous news conference that the referendum on independence was “unconstitutional” and Baghdad “will not deal with him.”

Kurdish officials say the independence of Kurdistan will boost Iraq’s security and fight wars like those over the past years.

Barzani: This is the position of Washington and the reason for the fears of Ankara and Tehran

The head of the Kurdistan region Massoud Barzani, that the referendum process scheduled for September 25 next September, will not pose a threat to anyone, but the survival of the situation as it would pose a great danger.

“The purpose of the referendum is to protect the Kurdish people from the recurrence of disasters and tragedies in the future,” Barzani told a delegation of Kuwaiti journalists visiting Erbil.

On the concerns of the countries of the region of the referendum Barzani said that “the countries surrounding the region should not be afraid of the referendum, as the Territory has proved in the past 26 years as a stabilizing factor in the region.”

Ghazal Barzani, Kuwait and the Gulf states, said that the region’s economic and political relations in the region will be stronger after the referendum.

Barzani said that “the Iranian-Turkish objection to the referendum is due to the presence of Kurds in their countries,” noting that “the United States did not show rejection, but said that the time is not appropriate.”

He stressed that the referendum is the decision of the Kurdish people “and the people is higher than the parties will not give up his right and will not back down from his decision under any pressure.”

Barzani pointed out that, based on previous experiences, it is better to have the territory and the Iraqi government good neighbors to prevent the occurrence of greater problems.

On the current situation in Mosul, he said that “had it not been for the Peshmerga forces, Mosul has not liberated and overcome the organization of a preacher,” adding that the region received more than one million displaced by the military operations in Iraq.

MacGorek: Kurdistan referendum harms the fighting of a preacher

For his part, said the US special envoy to the international coalition against the organization urged Brit McCarthyk that Washington needs cooperation between the Peshmerga and the Iraqi army to liberate the town of Hawija in Kirkuk, indicating that the referendum on the independence of the Kurdistan region of Iraq is not a good idea, and will have disastrous results with the near restoration of Hawija .

In contrast to the denials of the region, McGowork said Foreign Secretary Rex Tilerson spoke with Iraqi Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi and Iraqi Kurdistan Region President Massoud Barzani over the past few days to pave the way for future steps.

He added that “the idea has not been prepared in a good way, and the importance is still to face the dangers of a sympathetic organization, and that the coalition needs major operations against the organization in Hawija in cooperation between the Peshmerga and Iraqi forces.”

Daqish has been in control of the town of Hawija and its affiliates for nearly three years and has prevented civilians from going out into the uninhabited areas. McGork said the Hawijah battle would be “very complicated”.

The presidential envoy predicted the presence of 1,000 Mujahid fighters in Hawija, although he pointed out that exact figures were sometimes difficult to determine.

He said there were 80,000 civilians in and around Hawija.

To date, Iraqi forces and the Peshmerga have not announced any timetable or timing to break into the predominantly Arab Hawija, southwest of Kirkuk.

For the first time in nearly a quarter of a century, the Peshmerga forces fought alongside the Iraqi army in the context of the battle of Mosul in a move considered by Iraqi officials as a “historic” backlash. The appearance of military leaders in response to Iraqi army leaders behind Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, Pointing out.

Kurdish officials say the independence of Kurdistan will strengthen military cooperation between Baghdad and Erbil and strengthen the anti-terrorism front through joint coordination.

But coordination between the Kurdistan region and Baghdad is limited to the military and security aspects only, where differences are still ongoing economic and political files.

Arbil and Baghdad have a history of years of disagreements, especially those related to energy, budget and disputed territories, as well as other contentious issues.

Change: Turkey wants to make another Cyprus

The position of the presidency of the Kurdistan region does not represent the full desire of the Kurdish referendum, where a member of the House of Representatives for the bloc of change, Hoshyar Abdullah, that his bloc is still on its position on the referendum in the Kurdistan region, noting that the decision comes within “personal and partisan agendas to cover up the failed files implicated by the party The Kurdistan Democratic Party and Massoud Barzani, “as he put it.

Abdullah said during a television interview that “the movement of change is still the same opinion that the timing of the referendum is wrong and this agenda is a personal and partisan agenda of Massoud Barzani,” stressing that “one of the most important of these agendas may be held by the referendum at the internal level, In the region, and the extension of the mandate of Massoud Barzani again, in addition to covering up the failed files of the Kurdistan Democratic Party and his government, especially the issue of salaries and cover up the oil file, as for the outside, the Kurdistan Democratic Party is a pawn and not a player, P in Mosul “.

“We believe that all regional and international parties, including the international community, the United States, the League of Arab States and the European Union, except Turkey, are opposed to the referendum in the Kurdistan region, because Turkey gave the green light secretly to the KDP to take this step because Turkey wants to be There is another Cyprus in the Kurdistan region and Kurdistan is a backyard for their policies. “

He called on the Movement for Change, the Democratic Party, to retreat from “previous positions and resort to the language of reason and logic in dealing with the situation that surrounds the region,” pointing to the existence of a sharp split within the Kurdish community rejection and acceptance of the referendum.

It seems that this situation will ignite a Kurdish-Kurdish conflict again, where the Kurdistan Democratic Party has already strongly rejected the statements of President Fuad Masum on the independence of the Kurdistan region and said that the presidency came on the shoulders and votes of the Kurds and is not equivalent to a drop of their blood and sacrifices and will not allow the “infallible” Dream of establishing their state and will respond to it on the day of the referendum.

The Democratic Party said in a statement that “it rejects the statements of infallible, which announced during the meeting of diplomatic missions that the referendum is no more than an ambitious, and can not be achieved at the present time separation,” describing him as “a dangerous statement and a bad message to the world’s countries impede the results of the referendum and reduce the That “.

Democratic MP Pirawan Khailani said that the statements of the infallible serious is a gross disregard for the will of the Kurdish people and their sacrifices and the future of the province and said that infallible exceeded all opponents of the referendum in pain and pain and seems to have been expelled from his nationality and the people of his skin as described in the statement.

 

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Oil ends the week at $ 52 a barrel

9 hours ago oil 12 visits


Oil prices rose as strong US jobs data boosted hopes for energy demand growth, but crude prices fell on a weekly basis, driven by higher OPEC exports and US production.
The US Labor Department said US employers hired more workers than expected in July and increased their wages.
Brent crude futures rose 41 cents, or 0.8 percent, to $ 52.42 a barrel in the settlement, while WTI rose 55 cents, or 1.1 percent, to $ 49.58 a barrel.
Crude futures fell in early trade before the jobs report spurred traders to buy.
On a weekly basis, Brent crude and WTI crude futures fell to the nearest one-year low. Analysts say the prices have come under pressure from rising US and OPEC production as well as increased exports, although demand has reduced losses.
While the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) is spearheading efforts to cut output by 1.8 million bpd in cooperation with some independent producers such as Russia, the Organization’s exports in July increased to a record level, according to a report by Thomson Reuters.

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After the Tigris .. Euphrates another sovereign international support for Iraq in the global capital market

 

Editorial date: 2017/8/5 17:0477 times read
{Iraq: Al-Furat News} Iraq issued an external sovereign bond in the name of {Euphrates} in the global capital market after the first bond in the name of {Tigris}.
A statement by the Prime Minister’s Advisor for Financial Affairs, the appearance of Mohammed Saleh received the agency {Euphrates News} a copy of it today, “Iraq issued on Wednesday, 2 August 2017 an international sovereign bond bearing the name of {Euphrates} the duration of the bond is 5 years and the interest rate is 6.75% six months “.
Saleh added, “Sindh was classified by Fitch for credit rating B, and the number of international investment companies that submitted for purchase and competed with about 350 global investment companies with investment facts more than $ 12 trillion and have applied for the purchase of Sword Euphrates approached $ 6 trillion oversubscribed, including the Abu Dhabi Investment Fund, the Arab Monetary Fund and the California Education Fund, one of the wealthiest funds in the US West Coast and the world. ”
“The sale took place on Wednesday, 2 August 2017, in London, by the underwriters. The bond for sale and purchase was registered on the Irish stock market, using the EU standards, which is one of the most accessible and efficient financial markets.”
Saleh said that “the lowest category of the bond is 200 thousand dollars and increase complications, noting that the interest paid half a year, and thus the Republic of Iraq issued in 2017 successive international sovereign bonds combined to trade in the global capital market until the first day {Tigris} benefit 2,149 “The value of the issue is $ 1 million guaranteed by the US government.”
“Today, the second sovereign bond (Euphrates) issued by the government of the Republic of Iraq has been issued and classified as B-credit and carries interest at 6.75%, which is lower than the Iraqi international bond that has been traded in the secondary secondary markets since 2006″ 28 and its utility or yield is currently 7.6%}. ”
He pointed out that “the average annual interest on the Tigris and Euphrates {blinded according to the hypothesis of wacc} is 4.4% per annum.”

 

A newspaper reveals the date of the Kurdish delegation’s high visit to Baghdad and the agenda of the visit

 

Policy     Access_time 2017/08/05 10:26Chat_bubble_outline Number of readings: 233

Baghdad today – follow up

A small delegation of “decision-makers” in the Kurdistan region will visit the capital Baghdad on August 10 on the referendum scheduled for September 25 this year, Al-Quds Al-Arabi newspaper reported.

The newspaper said quoting a senior source in the Kurdistan Democratic Party – led by the President of the region Massoud Barzani, “The scheduled scheduled visit to the Kurdish political delegation to Baghdad is the tenth of this month, but that was not officially announced,” indicating that “the delegation will be small and includes Kurdish political figures Described as a decision maker. “

The Arab Jerusalem that “one of the most important files to be discussed by the delegation expected, the subject of the separation of the Kurdistan region from the Iraqi state, and the implications of the understandings with the federal government in Baghdad.”

The source added that “in the last meeting of the Supreme Council to hold a referendum in the Kurdistan region, which took place in early August, it was agreed to send a delegation to Baghdad under the supervision of Massoud Barzani, head of the region and Kuzrat Rasul, deputy chairman of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and Vice President of the region, to discuss the issues of the referendum Separation “.

“This delegation will come to Baghdad, within a few days, to negotiate the mechanisms for holding the referendum,” the newspaper said, quoting Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) MP Majid Shankali.

“The delegation will carry with it a message explaining that the referendum will not harm Baghdad, but will ensure its security and stability in the future.”

He added that “the Kurds seek to achieve their goal including the Kurdish state through dialogue and research and communication with the rest of the partners,” but in the case of the insistence of the other party to refuse, we will proceed with the referendum as a natural right of the people of Kurdistan, and guaranteed by the principles of human rights and the United Nations and international law ” .

On the government’s views on the referendum, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi said that the referendum is “not successful”, adding that it may impede the solution of problems between Baghdad and Erbil, and that the leaders of the Kurds “make up for it.”

In turn, the leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party and Finance Minister Hoshyar Zebari said that the referendum on the independence of the Kurds will strengthen the position of their territory in northern Iraq negotiations with Baghdad, but it will not lead to an automatic separation from the homeland.

 “You will hear people say that we are with Iraq’s unity and territorial integrity and we want dialogue between Baghdad and Erbil,” Zebari said.

http://baghdadtoday.news/ar/news/10265/%D8%B5%D8%AD%D9%8A%D9%81%D8%A9_%D8%AA%D9%83%D8%B4%D9%81_%D8%B9%D9%86_%D9%85%D9%88%D8%B9%D8%AF_%D8%B2%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A9_%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D9%81%D8%AF_%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%83%D8%B1%D8%AF%D9%8A_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D9%81%D9%8A%D8%B9_%D9%84%D8%A8%D8%BA%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AF_%D9%88%D8%AC%D8%AF%D9%88%D9%84_%D8%A7%D8%B9%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B2%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A9